In such a way, we understand that optimum it would be to understand the AIB as the addition of a iderio fascist? interpreted in singular way for the intellectuals Brazilian integralistas? of a specific Brazilian politicosocial reality? propitious to the development of this iderio. Politically speaking, the integralismo was contrary to the plurality of the parties and possua an enormous preconception how much to the individual representation. Moreover, the head of the nation would have to be the bastion of an Integral State, where she could be helped by representative agencies, however advisory. Finally, we must understand the movement integralista as something beyond an organization politics. The AIB possua one strong cultural doctrine.
As it affirms Boris Fausto: ' ' (…) its bigger emphasis if found in the taking of conscience of the value spiritual of the nation, seated in unifying principles: God, Native land and Family – it was the motto of movimento' '. The importance of this movement for the subject considered here is that the AIB will be one of the factors that will unchain the aliancista movement. This last one will raise the flag of the antifascism and will stop diverse battles, literally, with ' ' shirts verdes' ' of Salty Pliny. In relation to the tenentismo, although to be a generally situated movement in the decade of 1920 and not to constitute in an organized political party, it seems us important a fast analysis for a basic reason: its ideas and pictures, opponents or not, had been part of Brazilian politics 1930 in the governmental scope and had after been gifts in the composition of the movement studied in this work? The Liberating National Alliance. To understand, therefore, the main characteristics of the tenentismo, exactly that in concise way, will help in them to understand the future aliancista composition. To speech on the tenentista nature, Dcio A.M Saes affirms that it is antipopular.